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JOHN McCAIN
New York Magazine ran an entertaining profile last month, portions of
which should give Democrats encouragement.
E.g.:
That McCain’s political resurrection
owed as much to the weakness of the Republican field—not to mention blind
shithouse luck—as to his talent and grit makes it no less remarkable. Yet for
all the hosannas being sung to him these days, and for all the waves of fear
and trembling rippling through the Democratic masses, the truth is that McCain is a candidate of pronounced and glaring
weaknesses. A candidate whose capacity to raise enough
money to beat back the tidal wave of Democratic moola
is seriously in doubt. A candidate unwilling or unable
to animate the GOP base. A candidate whose operation
has never recovered from the turmoil of last summer, still skeletal and ragtag
and technologically antediluvian. (“Fund-raising on
the Web? You don’t say. You can raise money through those tubes?”) Whose cadre of confidantes contains so many
lobbyists that the Straight Talk Express often has the vibe of a rolling
K Street
clubhouse. Whose awkward
positioning issues-wise was captured brilliantly by Pat Buchanan: “The jobs are
never coming back, the illegals are never going home,
but we’re going to have a lot more wars.” A candidate one
senior moment—or one balky teleprompter—away from being transformed from a
grizzled warrior into Grandpa Simpson.
. . . McCain has been unwavering in
his commitment to keeping U.S.
troops in Iraq
for an indeterminate period of time. And
this stance puts him on the wrong side of the public on one of the two central
issues on which the general election is likely to turn.
. . . McCain’s difficulties may be
even more pronounced on the second pivotal issue: the economy. During the New
Hampshire primary, McCain blurted out the domestic equal of his “100 years”
gaffe: “The issue of economics is not
something I’ve understood as well as I should; I’ve got Greenspan’s book,”
he said, though he later allowed that he had yet to crack its spine. . . .
Even the most loyal Republicans
express concern about McCain’s economics gap. “He’s never been particularly
fluent in or showed much intellectual interest toward economic matters,” says
Pete Wehner, who ran the Office of Strategic
Initiatives in Bush’s White House. “Can he speak fluently or compellingly about
them? We’ll soon see. But it would require him to lift his game.”
. . . “People don’t realize that he’s Bush II on economic policy,” says
Mike Podhorzer, the deputy political director of the
AFL-CIO. “When we tell people in focus groups where he is on health care,
Social Security, and the minimum wage, they
are shocked. And they immediately say, ‘I have to reconsider what I think about
him.’ ”
F Of course, the press enjoys spending time
with him, which is an asset not to be underestimated. If the press had been half as tough on Bush
as it was on Gore, Gore’s margin of victory in 2000 would have been unstealable. Unequal
press treatment can write history.
Speaking of
which, did you catch Bill Press’s
column yesterday?
THE CANDIDATE AND THE
PASTOR
By Bill Press
Tribune Media Services
Imagine this: A preacher endorses a candidate for president.
Then we learn the preacher has, for years and from the pulpit, made disgusting,
inflammatory and un-American statements. Yet the mainstream media totally ignores the preacher's remarks and
never pressures the candidate to explain all the ugly things the preacher has
said and done over the last 20 years.
Impossible scenario? That depends on whether
your name is Barack Obama or John McCain - and whether the preacher's name is
Jeremiah Wright or John Hagee. Obama, of course, was
held personally responsible by the media for everything Jeremiah Wright ever
said, and forced to repudiate him. McCain, on the other hand, has been given a
free ride by the media and never challenged to answer for Hagee's
comments - even though, in many ways, they are more outrageous than anything
heard from Pastor Wright.
Hagee is founder and senior pastor of San Antonio's 19,000-member Cornerstone Church.
He's also a leading televangelist, whose radio and television broadcasts are
seen and heard in 99 million homes. On many occasions since he began his
ministry in the 70s, Hagee has come under criticism
for his controversial remarks on women, gays, Israel and Catholics.
Hagee shows no mercy for the Catholic
Church. He has called it "the Great Whore" and "an apostate church,"
and accused Catholicism of being nothing more than "a false cult
system." Hagee also blames the Catholic Church
for the Holocaust, telling viewers in one telecast that Hitler learned his
hatred for Jews from growing up as a Catholic. When launching his wholesale
slaughter of Jews, according to Hagee, Hitler told
his followers: "I'm not going to do anything in my lifetime that hasn't
been done by the Roman Church for the past 800 years. I'm only going to do it
on a greater scale and more efficiently."
On women, Hagee makes St. Paul, notorious for treating women like
second-class citizens, look like a feminist. "Do you know the difference
between a woman with PMS and a snarling Doberman pinscher?" asks Hagee. "The answer is lipstick." As if that's not
insulting enough, he continues: "Do you know the difference between a
terrorist and a woman with PMS? . . . You can negotiate with a terrorist."
Real cut-up, that John Hagee.
We all remember that Jerry Falwell and
Pat Robertson were condemned for asserting, the day after Sept. 11, that God
had punished America
for, among other "sins," our tolerance of gays. Yet John Hagee made a similar claim five years later about Hurricane
Katrina and nobody cared. Appearing on NPR's "Fresh Air" on Sept. 18,
2006, Hagee said: "The newspaper carried the
story in our local area that was not carried nationally that there was to be a
homosexual parade there on the Monday that Katrina came. And the promise of
that parade was that it was going to reach a level of sexuality never
demonstrated before in any of the other Gay Pride parades."
An incredulous host
Terri Gross asked if he was really saying that God had flattened the entire
city of New Orleans,
because a gay pride parade was scheduled in the French Quarter. Yes, said Hagee, that's exactly what I meant.
"All hurricanes are acts of God because God controls the heavens. I believe
that New Orleans
had a level of sin that was offensive to God and they were recipients of the
judgment of God for that."
Hagee is also founder of Christians United
for Israel, which sounds
innocuous enough until you realize that, like most evangelical Christians, he
only supports Israel
in order to trigger another war that would bring about the end of the world. As
he himself told a July 19, 2006 CUFI event in Washington, D.C.: "The
United States must join Israel in a pre-emptive military strike against Iran to
fulfill God's plan for both Israel and the West . . . a biblically prophesied
end-time confrontation with Iran, which will lead to the Rapture, Tribulation
and the Second Coming of Christ."
Now here's what's
different about Obama/Wright and McCain/Hagee. John
McCain actually sought out Hagee's endorsement, said
he was proud to receive it, and continues to brag about it.
My question is not: How could a Christian preacher say such ugly
things? But rather: Why did the media
pay so much attention to one preacher, and zero attention to the other?
Bill Press is host of a
nationally syndicated radio show and author of a new book, "Trainwreck: The End of the Conservative Revolution (and Not
a Moment Too Soon)." You can hear "The Bill Press Show" at his
Web site: billpressshow.com. His email address is: bill@billpress.com.
© 2008 Tribune Media Services, Inc.
F I would have cracked in that P.O.W. camp
in the first five and a half minutes, let alone five and a half years. We should all honor McCain’s service. But his votes in the Senate, decades later,
have not helped average Americans or moved the country forward.
And the first two
Bush terms were not so good that they warrant a third.