GLDD
So yesterday was,
I think, the last day to exercise your warrants. I can’t imagine they really go from being worth $3.75 or so yesterday to zero today if
you failed to exercise them – surely some mercy might be shown? (or your broker exercised them for you, as many automatically exercise expiring options if they’re
in the money) – but that is not the point. The point is that the relatively short but
wonderfully profitable life of these warrants is now officially over . . . and
the much less dramatic, but still possibly profitable, next phase of the common
stock begins.
Even with all the
selling pressure one imagines there must have been from warrant holders
exercising – and then immediately selling the stock to take their profit rather
than put up an additional $5 and start the capital gains holding period all
over again – even with all that, the stock closed at $8.80. (So if you paid 50 cents for the warrant a
few months ago and did put up the $5 to exercise, you have a basis of $5.50 and
a stock worth $8.80.)
Anything is
possible . . . including another round of selling pressure in a year or so from
folks like me who exercised warrants on which their gain was short-term,
planning to wait a year and a day to take what would then be a lightly taxed long-term capital gain instead.
But I think the
wind could be at this company’s back, so I plan to hold on, perhaps even more
than a year and a day. What could be
sexier than dredging?
MAD MEN
A
new series on AMC. Maybe because my dad was himself an ad man (Mad Men – Madison Avenue
men), and maybe because anything set in the Sixties grabs me, I’m hooked. I liked last night’s first episode, repeated frequently
in the coming days; Tivo takes care of the rest.
IRAQ
If you subscribed
to Times Select, you’d already have seen Tom Friedman’s column from Wednesday:
July 18, 2007
Help
Wanted: Peacemaker
By
THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
I
can’t imagine how I’d feel if I were the parent of a soldier in Iraq and I had
just read that the Iraqi Parliament had decided to go on vacation for
August, because, as the White House
spokesman, Tony Snow, explained, it’s
really hot in Baghdad then — “130 degrees.”
I’ve been in Baghdad in the summer and it is really hot.
But you know what? It is a lot hotter
when you’re in a U.S. military uniform, carrying a rifle and a backpack,
sweltering under a steel helmet and worrying that a bomb can be thrown at you
from any direction. One soldier told me he lost six pounds in one day. I’m sure
the Iraqi Parliament is air-conditioned.
So let’s get this straight: Iraqi
parliamentarians, at least those not already boycotting the Parliament, will be
on vacation in August so they can be cool, while young American men and women,
and Iraqi Army soldiers, will be fighting in the heat in order to create a
proper security environment in which Iraqi politicians can come back in
September and continue squabbling while their country burns.
Here is what I think of that: I think
it’s a travesty — and for the Bush White
House to excuse it with a Baghdad weather report shows just how much it has
become a hostage to Iraq.
The administration constantly says
the surge is necessary, but not sufficient. That’s right. There has to be a
political deal. And the latest report card on Iraq showed that a deal is nowhere
near completion. So where is the diplomatic surge? What are we waiting for? A cool day in December?
When you read stories in the
newspapers every day about Americans who are going to Iraq for their third or
even fourth tours and you think that this administration has never sent its
best diplomats for even one tour yet — never
made one, not one, single serious, big-time, big-tent diplomatic push to
resolve this conflict, but instead has put everything on the military, it
makes you sick.
Yes, yes, I know, Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice is going to make one of her quick-in-and-out trips to the Middle East next month to try to enlist support for an
Israeli-Palestinian peace conference in the fall. I’m all for Arab-Israeli
negotiations, but the place that really needs a peace conference right now is Iraq, and it
won’t happen with drive-by diplomacy.
President Bush baffles me. If your
whole legacy was riding on Iraq,
what would you do? I’d draft the country’s best negotiators — Henry Kissinger,
Jim Baker, George Shultz, George Mitchell, Dennis Ross or Richard Holbrooke — and ask one or all of them to go to Baghdad, under a U.N.
mandate, with the following orders:
“I want you to move to the Green
Zone, meet with the Iraqi factions and do not come home until you’ve reached
one of three conclusions: 1) You have resolved the power- and oil-sharing
issues holding up political reconciliation; 2) you have concluded that those
obstacles are insurmountable and have sold the Iraqis on a partition plan that
could be presented to the U.N. and supervised by an international force; 3) you
have concluded that Iraqis are incapable of agreeing on either political
reconciliation or a partition plan and told them that, as a result, the U.S.
has no choice but to re-deploy its troops to the border and let Iraqis sort
this out on their own.”
The last point is crucial. Any lawyer
will tell you, if you’re negotiating a contract and the other side thinks
you’ll never walk away, you’ve got no leverage. And in Iraq, we’ve
never had any leverage. The Iraqis
believe that Mr. Bush will never walk away, so they have no incentive to make
painful compromises.
That’s why the Iraqi Parliament is on
vacation in August and our soldiers are fighting in the heat. Something is
wrong with this picture. First, Mr. Bush spends three years denying the reality
that we need a surge of more troops to establish security and then, with Iraq spinning
totally out of control and militias taking root everywhere, he announces a
surge and criticizes others for being impatient.
At the same time, Mr. Bush announces
a peace conference for Israelis and Palestinians — but not for Iraqis. He’s
like a man trapped in a burning house who calls 911 to put out the brush fire
down the street. Hello?
Quitting Iraq would be morally and
strategically devastating. But to just drag out the surge, with no road map for
a political endgame, with Iraqi lawmakers going on vacation, with no
consequences for dithering, would be just as morally and strategically
irresponsible.
We
owe Iraqis our best military — and diplomatic effort — to avoid the disaster of
walking away. But if they won’t take advantage of that, we owe our soldiers a
ticket home.
Copyright 2007 The New York Times
Company
AND ON THE HOME FRONT . . .
Cheney Suppressed
Evidence in California Energy Crisis
By Jason Leopold
t r u t h o u t | Investigative Report
Thursday 19 July 2007
In-depth investigation shows
how Vice President Dick Cheney pressured federal energy regulators to conceal
evidence of widespread market manipulation by energy companies during the California electricity
crisis in 2001.
In March
2001, while California's
two largest utilities were teetering on the brink of bankruptcy, and the
state's electricity crisis was spiraling out of control, Vice President Dick
Cheney summoned Curt Hebert, the chairman of the Federal Energy Regulatory
Commission (FERC), to his office next to the White House for a hastily arranged
meeting.
Cheney had
just been informed by his longtime friend Thomas Cruikshank, the man who
handpicked the vice president to succeed him at Halliburton in the mid-1990s,
that federal energy regulators were close to completing an investigation into
allegations that Tulsa, Oklahoma-based Williams Companies and AES Corporation
of Arlington, Virginia had created an artificial power shortage in California
in April and May of 2000 by shutting down a power plant for more than two
weeks.
Cruikshank
was a member of Williams's board of directors, and
perhaps more importantly, had been one of many energy industry insiders
advising Cheney's energy task force on a wide-range of policy issues, including
deregulation of the nation's electricity sector, that would benefit Williams financially.
Cruikshank
informed the vice president he had learned about the preliminary findings of FERC's investigation during a Williams
board meeting earlier in March 2001. FERC, Cruikshank told Cheney, was in
possession of incriminating audio tapes in which a Williams official and an AES
power plant operator discussed keeping a Southern California power plant
offline so Williams could continue to receive the $750 per megawatt hour
premium for emergency power California's grid operator was forced to procure to
keep the lights on in Southern California.
AES was the
operator of two power plants in Los Alamitos and
Williams marketed the electricity. The power plants were designated by the
California Independent System Operator (ISO), the agency that manages the
state's power grid, as crucial in order to ensure a reliable flow of
electricity in the Southern part of the state. To stave off the potential for
blackouts, the ISO was given the authority to pay top dollar for power if the
power plants operated by AES, as well as power plants operated by other
companies, were not in operation.
California's electricity
crisis wreaked havoc on consumers in the state between 2000 and 2001. The
crisis resulted in widespread rolling blackouts and forced the state's largest
utility, Pacific Gas & Electric, into bankruptcy. California was the first state in the nation
to deregulate its power market in an effort to provide consumers with cheaper
electricity and the opportunity to choose their own power provider. The results
have since proved disastrous. The experiment has cost the state more than $30
billion.
According to
a copy of the March 2001 Williams transcript, Rhonda Morgan, a Williams
official, told an AES power plant operator "it wouldn't hurt Williams's feelings" if the power plant that was down
for repairs was kept offline for an extended period of time so the company
could continue to be paid the "premium" for its emergency energy
supplies from the ISO. In a separate conversation with Eric Pendergraft,
a senior AES official, Morgan said, "I don't wanna
do something underhanded, but if there's work you can continue to do ..."
Pendergraft responded to Morgan, saying, "I
understand. You don't have to talk anymore."
The collusion
between Williams and AES allowed Williams to earn an extra $10 million over a
period of 15 days and set in motion a series of events that resulted in the
California power crisis between 2000 and 2001, a crisis that was based almost
entirely on manipulative practices by energy companies.
This story is based on a two-month
investigation into Cheney's energy task force; how the vice president pressured
cabinet officials to conceal clear-cut evidence of market manipulation during
California's energy crisis, and how that subsequently led Cheney to exert
executive privilege when lawmakers called on him to turn over documents related
to his meetings with energy industry officials who helped draft the National
Energy Policy and also gamed California's power market. Truthout
spoke with more than a dozen former officials from the Energy Department and
FERC as well as current and former energy industry executives all of whom were
involved in personal discussions with Cheney relating to the National Energy
Policy. . . .
Which,
as so much else, brings us back to . . .
IMPEACHMENT
More
of your thoughts on this topic Monday.
In the meantime: have you seen SiCKO? It’s playing at a theater near you. Harry Potter has slipped in the audience
ratings from 8.1 stars out of 10 to 7.9 . . . but SiCKO
remains firm at 8.5, better than anything else out there.
Enjoy!