CONSIDER THE SOURCE
I heard Walter Williams, the
conservative columnist, speak once. He
is a tall, lean, tough African American who ridicules affirmative action, who
thinks insider trading should be legal, who believes we should drill for oil in
Alaska’s National Wildlife
Refuge, and who is, above all, I think, a firm believer in free-market
economics. He is a very smart man, even
if not much burdened by warmth or empathy.
(He begins his February
19 column: “If you're a poor adult
in America, for
the most part, it's all your fault.”)
I point all this out to suggest he
is no lefty. Yet in this
recent column, he all but calls for President Bush’s impeachment [[OOPS! No, he doesn’t this Walter Williams, a different professor by the same name,
does – my apologies!]]:
George W. Bush has knowingly deceived the American people on the
two overriding policy issues of his presidency — the invasion of Iraq and the deep tax cuts.
Other
presidents have lied. Only Bush has repeatedly duped Congress and the public to
thwart their exercise of informed consent.
He is the first president to use propaganda as the main weapon
in selling his policies. Bush's unprecedented pattern of deception may
constitute an impeachable offense. . . .
Deeming presidential deception a high crime under the
impeachment clause can open a Pandora's box of
problems. Yet, President Bush's actions appear to be a far more serious assault
on the Constitution than Watergate. I hold that interpreting Bush's pattern of
deception on his most important policy proposals as a high crime against the
nation is a necessary step in rescuing American democracy.
I think part of the disconnect here is that the President does it so
blithely. The bulk of the Bush tax cuts was designed to go to the people at the top end of
the economic ladder. Yet he told the
nation in the second televised Presidential debate that “most of the tax
reductions go to people at the bottom end of the economic ladder.” So that was a trillion-dollar
untruth; but it was offered so naturally, so comfortably, how could it be
anything but, at worst, a difference of opinion? The second round of tax cuts, he told us, was
crafted to maximize job creation. No reputable economist believed these
particular tax cuts were designed to maximize job creation, and presumably
neither did he.
But he and his team simply imposed it as the truth.
Walter Williams is not buying
it. [[Or at least one Walter Williams isn't. Again, my apologies to the other.]]
CONSIDER THE FACTS
Neither is Matthew
Miller. His latest column (emphasis added):
THE REPUBLICAN HONESTY DEFICIT
By Matthew Miller
It’s not usually easy to prove that political rhetoric
is a total fraud — there are caveats and shades of gray and pseudo-arguments
that leave the offending politician “covered.”
Not so with Republican moans these days about “big government,”
and with their characterization of Democratic presidential contenders as tax
addicts set to inflict their “liberal” agenda on the nation.
Proof of the GOP’s honesty deficit comes by asking a simple question: What is
the Republican position on the right size of government and how to fund it?
Start with basic but poorly understood facts. Just seven programs make up about
75 percent of all federal spending: Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid,
military pensions, civil service pensions, defense and interest on the debt.
That’s “big government.” Republicans aren’t trying to cut a dime of it. In
fact, they’re calling for big increases in every one of these programs. According to the White House, interest on the
national debt alone will soar by 66 percent over the next five years thanks to
the red ink oozing from President Bush’s budget.
And those “big 7” programs come before you toss in everything from NASA to the
national parks to the National Institutes of Health, not to mention homeland
security, student loans and farm subsidies — all things Republicans support,
and which take up a goodly portion of the quarter on the federal dollar that’s
left.
In other words, if you pay heed to their votes and not their words, the
Republican critique of “big government” is a pure charade.
Though it hardly seems possible, the GOP position on taxes is even more
shocking. Understanding why requires a quick, painless look at a few numbers.
Over the next five years, President Bush figures the “big 7” programs will
cost, on average, about $1.8 trillion a year.
Over the same period, he says, the revenue the government will collect, not
counting Social Security taxes (which both parties say shouldn’t be used for
current spending, though it is), will average about $1.35 trillion a year — or
$450 billion a year less than just the “big 7” programs on which Republicans
want to spend more.
The reduction in income taxes enacted under President Bush accounts for most of
this gap.
Since the GOP thinks income tax rates should continually be reduced, they
obviously believe we should fund government activities they support in one of
two ways.
First, we can borrow huge amounts from our children (which is the GOP’s present
plan). Or, we can at some point raise payroll and other retirement taxes, which
means funding government through taxes that impose a greater burden on lower-
and middle-income citizens. The income tax, by contrast, is progressive.
Mathematically, these are the only options available, given that Republicans,
rhetoric aside, aren’t interested in cutting government spending.
This, then, is today’s spectacle: “Family values” Republicans are sticking the
kids with the bill for current spending while railing fraudulently against the
“big government” they support.
Then they attack Democrats for offering the radical idea that we ought to pay
for the spending we all agree we want (and that’s before we even begin fighting
about other things government might do — like cover the uninsured, or help poor
children get better teachers).
If we had a functioning press corps —
one that simply presented these facts again and again — the fiscal and moral
fraud of the GOP position would be self-evident.
Instead, today’s press corps chews endlessly over the political jockeying. “Does Bush have Democrats in a bind because
they have to talk about repealing his tax cuts?” they ask, rather than laying
out the facts that show that Bush’s positions are an obvious hoax.
So much for our “adversarial” press! And because the White House knows top
editors and producers will think that repeating these tougher questions and
analyses would seem too “biased,” they can count on “he-said, she-said”
coverage to leave citizens confused.
This confusion is the Republican goal.
Is this Republican hoax really sustainable? As both political parties know, the
answer largely depends on how the press views its responsibilities in the
coming election cycle.
It’s time for editors and producers to hammer home some basic civic facts
instead of continuing their overwhelming — and lazy — emphasis on “the
politics” of every debate.
Matthew Miller’s e-mail address is mattino@worldnet.att.net.
He is author of The
2 Percent Solution: Fixing America’s Problems in Ways Liberals and
Conservatives Can Love,
in bookstores next
month.