Toss a Pareto on the Grill This Weekend? Food for Thought
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LIBERTARIANISM
– II L.A.: “If you’re an
honest man, you’ll run this
from the Christian Science Monitor – an actual libertarian take on
the Rand Paul interview.” Rand Paul and the Civil Rights Act: Was he right? By Sheldon Richman posted May 26, 2010 at 11:29 am EDT Little Rock, Arkansas — Fresh from his victory in
last week’s Kentucky Republican senatorial primary, Rand Paul found
himself caught in a whirlwind when MSNBC’s Rachel Maddow asked whether
the 1964 Civil Rights Act properly outlawed racial segregation at privately
owned lunch counters. Speaking circuitously if not evasively, Mr. Paul
finally said: “[O]ne of the things freedom requires is that we
allow people to be boorish and uncivilized. But that doesn’t mean
we approve of it.” So although he supports striking down segregationist
state Jim Crow laws, he objected to Title II of the Act, outlawing racial
discrimination in “public accommodations.” “Had I been
around I would have tried to modify that,” he said. However, after a torrent of media and blogospheric
criticism, he changed course, telling CNN’s Wolf Blitzer, “I would
have voted yes…. I think that there was an overriding problem in
the South, so big that it did require federal intervention in the
sixties.” Which Rand Paul had it right? The first one. Had he known and related the full
story, he could have avoided the metamorphosis. I write as a libertarian, something Rand Paul claims not
to be. The essence of the libertarian philosophy is that each person
owns him- or herself and whatever belongings he or she honestly acquires.
Thus individuals are due freedom of association and, logically,
non-association. It also follows that the owner of property should be
free to set the rules of use, the only constraint being that the owner may not
use aggressive force against others. Admittedly, that leaves room for loathsome peaceful behavior,
such as running a whites-only lunch counter. Who imagined that freedom of
association couldn’t have its ugly side? Nevertheless, individuals are either free to do anything
peaceful or they are not. If politicians decide, we have arbitrary government.
But government is force, and force is moral only in response to force. Why assume that legislation was the only way to stop
segregation and today is the only thing preventing resegregation? We
can easily imagine scenarios in which private nonviolent action could pressure
bigots into changing their racial policies. But we don’t need to imagine it. We can
consult history. Lunch counters throughout the South were integrating
years – years! – before the civil rights bill was passed.
It happened not out of the goodness of the racists’ hearts – they
had to be dragged, metaphorically, kicking and screaming. It was the
result of an effective nongovernment social movement. .
. . Students were beaten and jailed, but they won the day, Gandhi-style, by
shaming the bigots with their simple request to be served like anyone else. .
. . Why is this inspirational history ignored in the current
controversy? I can think of only one reason. So-called progressives at heart are elitists who believe
– and want you to believe – that nothing good happens without
government. To acknowledge that young people courageously stood down
the bigots long before the patronizing white political elite in Washington
scurried to the front of the march would be to confess that government is not the source of all things wonderful. .
. . The effort to pass the Act diverted the grassroots
movement from self-help, mutual aid, and independent community action to
lobbying, legislation, and litigation – that is, dependence on the white
ruling elite. Direct efforts undertaken by free individuals were demoted
to at best a supporting role. That was a loss for freedom, justice, and independence.
Our country is the worse for it. Sheldon Richman is the editor of The Freeman. He lives
near Little Rock, Arkansas. © The Christian Science Monitor ☞ I apologize for the red ink – or for
your not being able to see it if you’re reading this on a device that
doesn’t support color – but I wanted to draw your attention to
those two passages in particular. Like Sheldon Richman, I think we all
value freedom. (Including the freedom to patronize any public place of
business we want to?) But as I suggested Monday and yesterday, I
think it’s a balance. Either extreme (communism or pure
libertarianism) offers a bad solution in a complex, crowded world.
Granted, the author was just being rhetorical, to express his distaste for
views like mine. But, just for the record, no liberal I’ve ever met
believes “government is the source of all things wonderful” or that
“nothing good happens without government.” Michael
Axelrod:
“It’s not the Bell Curve that rebuts the Randians, as you said Monday;
it’s the Pareto Principle, often called the 80-20 law. Pareto
observed that 20% of the population of Italy owned 80% of the land. It
turns out that in general 80% of effects come from 20% of causes.
It’s remarkable how general this law is. Firms find that 80% of
their profits come from 20% of their customers. Or 80% of the complaints
come from 20% of the customers. In health insurance, 80% of the costs
come from 20% of the subscribers. Car dealers know that 20% of their
salesmen sell 80% of the cars. Among nations the 20% richest have 80% of the
world's income. In academia 20% of the professors publish 80% of the journal
articles. And so on. . . . The Pareto Principle is an illustration of
a ‘power law’ that describes natural occurrences such as brush
fires and earthquakes. Power laws have a self-similar or a scaling
property. What this means is that in 20% of causes responsible for
80% of effects, 20% of those operate the same way. Thus 4% is
responsible for 64%, and .8% is responsible for 51.2% etc. You can keep
iterating the Principle until you get small numbers. The Pareto Principle
is basically a probability law (so when you get to small samples it will break
down). In other words it really refers to averages. . . . The
Pareto Principle presents a problem for Democracy. Those 20% who produce
the 80% tend to feel they should get back 80% of the production.
Naturally the 80% disagree. So they want the political process to
transfer wealth to them. Since the Pareto Principle seems to be some kind
of basic law of nature, it means we are always going to get conflict.
What’s more, as I said it applies at all scales. So if the 20%
broke off and formed their own company or country, they would still face the 80-20
law except at a higher level of production. In other words they would end
up with the same conflicts. . . . The challenge is to make some
kind of organization that can cope with the 80-20 nature of life. Too
much democracy doesn't work. The founding fathers knew this, and so they
created various anti-majoritarian institutions like the Electoral College,
Senate, the Supreme Court and the doctrine of enumerated powers. As this
original setup erodes towards a more pro-rata system, the conflict builds. We
see that now. If it keeps up, we could face a new Civil War one day,
which we certainly don’t want. It’s a real challenge to cope
with the reality of 80-20, and I have no solution other than to look to,
Madison, Jefferson, Hamilton, Washington, Franklin etc. They thought long
and hard about this problem, and being schooled in the classics they had a real
sense of what works and what doesn’t.” ☞
Food for thought for a long weekend. Enjoy yours! And try to find
time to be sure your kids understand what it’s about.
© 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010 Andrew Tobias